The second institution was the Security Police division for Constitutional Protection, and Superintendent Edklinth took on this responsibility with the utmost seriousness. He thought that it was the most important post a Swedish policeman could hold, and he would not exchange his appointment for any other position in the entire Swedish legal system or police force. He was the only policeman in Sweden whose official job description was to function as a political police officer. It was a delicate task requiring great wisdom and judicial restraint, since experience from far too many countries has shown that a political police department could easily transform itself into the principal threat to democracy.
The media and the public assumed for the most part that the main function of the Constitutional Protection Unit was to keep track of Nazis and militant vegans. These types of group did attract interest from the Constitutional Protection Unit, but a great many institutions and phenomena also fell within the bailiwick of the division. If the king, for example, or the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, took it into their hearts that parliamentary government had outlived its role and that parliament should be replaced by a dictatorship, the king or the commander-in-chief would very swiftly come under observation by the Constitutional Protection Unit. Or, to give a second example, if a group of police officers decided to stretch the laws so that an individual's constitutionally guaranteed rights were infringed, then it was the Constitutional Protection Unit's duty to react. In such serious instances the investigation was also assumed to come under the authority of the Prosecutor General.
The problem, of course, was that the Constitutional Protection Unit had only an analytical and investigative function, and no operations arm. That was why it was generally either the regular police or other divisions within the Security Police who stepped in when Nazis were to be arrested.
In Edklinth's opinion, this state of affairs was deeply unsatisfactory. Almost every democratic country maintains an independent constitutional court in some form, with a mandate to see to it that authorities do not ride roughshod over the democratic process. In Sweden the task is that of the Prosecutor General or the Parliamentary Ombudsman, who, however, can only pursue recommendations forwarded to them by other departments. If Sweden had a constitutional court, then Salander's lawyer could instantly charge the Swedish government with violation of her constitutional rights. The court could then order all the documents on the table and summon anyone it pleased, including the Prime Minister, to testify until the matter was resolved. As the situation now stood, the most her lawyer could do was to file a report with the Parliamentary Ombudsman, who did not have the authority to walk into the Security Police and start demanding documents and other evidence.
Over the years Edklinth had been an impassioned advocate of the establishment of a constitutional court. He could then more easily have acted upon the information he had been given by Armansky: by initiating a police report and handing the documentation to the court. With that an inexorable process would have been set in motion.
As things stood, Edklinth lacked the legal authority to initiate a preliminary investigation.
He took a pinch of snuff.
If Armansky's information was correct, Security Police officers in senior positions had looked the other way when a series of savage assaults were committed against a Swedish woman. Then her daughter was locked up in a mental hospital on the basis of a fabricated diagnosis. Finally, they had given carte blanche to a former Soviet intelligence officer to commit crimes involving weapons, narcotics and sex trafficking. Edklinth grimaced. He did not even want to begin to estimate how many counts of illegal activity must have taken place. Not to mention the burglary at Blomkvist's apartment, the attack on Salander's lawyer - which Edklinth could not bring himself to accept was a part of the same pattern - and possible involvement in the murder of Zalachenko.
It was a mess, and Edklinth did not welcome the necessity to get mixed up in it. Unfortunately, from the moment Armansky invited him to dinner, he had become involved.
How now to handle the situation? Technically, that answer was simple. If Armansky's account was true, Lisbeth Salander had at the very least been deprived of the opportunity to exercise her constitutionally protected rights and liberties. From a constitutional standpoint, this was the first can of worms. Decision-making political bodies had been induced to take decisions in a certain direction. This too touched on the core of the responsibility delegated to the Constitutional Protection Unit. Edklinth, a policeman, had knowledge of a crime and thus he had the obligation to submit a report to a prosecutor. In real life, the answer was not so simple. It was, on the contrary and to put it mildly, decidedly unsimple.
Inspector Monica Figuerola, in spite of her unusual name, was born in Dalarna to a family that had lived in Sweden at least since the time of Gustavus Vasa in the sixteenth century. She was a woman who people usually paid attention to, and for several reasons. She was thirty-six, blue eyed, and one metre eighty-four tall. She had short, light-blonde, naturally curly hair. She was attractive and dressed in a way that she knew made her more so. And she was exceptionally fit.
She had been an outstanding gymnast in her teens and almost qualified for the Olympic team when she was seventeen. She had given up classic gymnastics, but she still worked out obsessively at the gym five nights a week. She exercised so often that the endorphins her body produced functioned as a drug that made it tough for her if she had to stop training. She ran, lifted weights, played tennis, did karate. She had cut back on bodybuilding, that extreme variant of bodily glorification, some years ago. In those days she was spending two hours a day pumping iron. Even so, she trained so hard and her body was so muscular that malicious colleagues still called her Herr Figuerola. When she wore a sleeveless T-shirt or a summer dress, no-one could fail to notice her biceps and powerful shoulders.
Her intelligence, too, intimidated many of her male colleagues. She had left school with top marks, studied to become a police officer at twenty, and then served for nine years in Uppsala police and studied law in her spare time. For fun, she said, she had also studied for a degree in political science.
When she left patrol duty to become a criminal inspector, it was a great loss to Uppsala street safety. She worked first in the Violent Crime Division and then in the unit that specialized in financial crime. In 2000 she applied to the Security Police in Uppsala, and by 2001 she had moved to Stockholm. She first worked in Counter-Espionage, but was almost immediately hand-picked by Edklinth for the Constitutional Protection Unit. He happened to know Figuerola's father and had followed her career over the years.
When at long last Edklinth concluded that he had to act on Armansky's information, he called Figuerola into his office. She had been at Constitutional Protection for less than three years, which meant that she was still more of a real police officer than a fully fledged desk warrior.
She was dressed that day in tight blue jeans, turquoise sandals with a low heel, and a navy blue jacket.
"What are you working on at the moment, Monica?"
"We're following up on the robbery of the grocer's in Sunne."
The Security Police did not normally spend time investigating robberies of groceries, and Figuerola was the head of a department of five officers working on political crimes. They relied heavily on computers connected to the incident reporting network of the regular police. Nearly every report submitted in any police district in Sweden passed through the computers in Figuerola's department. The software scanned every report and reacted to 310 keywords, nigger, for example, or skinhead, swastika, immigrant, anarchist, Hitler salute, Nazi, National Democrat, traitor, Jew-lover, or nigger-lover. If such a keyword cropped up, the report would be printed out and scrutinized.
The Constitutional Protection Unit publishes an annual report, Threats to National Security, which supplies the only reliable statistics on political crime. These statistics are based on reports filed with local police authorities. In the case of the robbery of the shop in Sunne, the computer had reacted to three keywords - immigrant, shoulder patch, and nigger. Two masked men had robbed at gunpoint a shop owned by an immigrant. They had taken 2,780 kronor and a carton of cigarettes. One of the robbers had a mid-length jacket with a Swedish flag shoulder patch. The other had screamed "fucking nigger" several times at the manager and forced him to lie on the floor.
This was enough for Figuerola's team to initiate the preliminary investigation and to set about enquiring whether the robbers had a connection to the neo-Nazi gang in Varmland, and whether the robbery could be defined as a racist crime. If so, the incident might be included in that year's statistical compilation, which would then itself be incorporated within the European statistics put together by the E.U.'s office in Vienna.
"I've a difficult assignment for you," Edklinth said. "It's a job that could land you in big trouble. Your career might be ruined."
"I'm all ears."
"But if things go well, it could be a major step forward in your career. I'm thinking of moving you to the Constitutional Protection operations unit."
"Forgive me for mentioning this, but Constitutional Protection doesn't have an operations unit."
"Yes, it does," Edklinth said. "I established it this morning. At present it consists of you."
"I see," said Figuerola hesitantly.
"The task of Constitutional Protection is to defend the constitution against what we call 'internal threats', most often those on the extreme left or the extreme right. But what do we do if a threat to the constitution comes from within our own organization?"
For the next half hour he told her what Armansky had told him the night before.
"Who is the source of these claims?" Figuerola said when the story was ended.
"Focus on the information, not the source."
"What I'm wondering is whether you consider the source to be reliable."
"I consider the source to be totally reliable. I've know this person for many years."
"It all sounds a bit... I don't know. Improbable?"
"Doesn't it? One might think it's the stuff of a spy novel."
"How do you expect me to go about tackling it?"
"Starting now, you're released from all other duties. Your task, your only task, is to investigate the truth of this story. You have to either verify or dismiss the claims one by one. You report directly and only to me."
"I see what you mean when you say I might land in it up to my neck."
"But if the story is true... if even a fraction of it is true, then we have a constitutional crisis on our hands."
"Where do you want me to begin?"
"Start with the simple things. Start by reading the Bjorck report. Then identify the people who are allegedly tailing this guy Blomkvist. According to my source, the car belongs to Goran Mårtensson, a police officer living on Vittangigaten in Vallingby. Then identify the other person in the pictures taken by Blomkvist's photographer. The younger blond man here."
Figuerola was making notes.
"Then look into Gullberg's background. I had never heard his name before, but my source believes there to be a connection between him and the Security Police."
"So somebody here at S.I.S. put out a contract on a long-ago spy using a 78-year-old man. It beggars belief."
"Nevertheless, you check it out. And your entire investigation has to be carried out without a single person other than me knowing anything at all about it. Before you take one single positive action I want to be informed. I don't want to see any rings on the water or hear of a single ruffled feather."
"This is one hell of an investigation. How am I going to do all this alone?"
"You won't have to. You have only to do the first check. You come back and say that you've checked and didn't find anything, then everything is fine. You come back having found that anything is as my source describes it, then we'll decide what to do."
Figuerola spent her lunch hour pumping iron in the police gym. Lunch consisted of black coffee and a meatball sandwich with beetroot salad, which she took back to her office. She closed her door, cleared her desk, and started reading the Bjorck report while she ate her sandwich.
She also read the appendix with the correspondence between Bjorck and Dr Teleborian. She made a note of every name and every incident in the report that had to be verified. After two hours she got up and went to the coffee machine and got a refill. When she left her office she locked the door, part of the routine at S.I.S.
The first thing she did was to check the protocol number. She called the registrar and was informed that no report with that protocol number existed. Her second check was to consult a media archive. That yielded better results. The evening papers and a morning paper had reported a person being badly injured in a car fire on Lundagatan on the date in question in 1991. The victim of the incident was a middle-aged man, but no name was given. One evening paper reported that, according to a witness, the fire had been started deliberately by a young girl.
Gunnar Bjorck, the author of the report, was a real person. He was a senior official in the immigration unit, lately on sick leave and now, very recently, deceased - a suicide.
The personnel department had no information about what Bjorck had been working on in 1991. The file was stamped Top Secret, even for other employees at S.I.S. Which was also routine.
It was a straightforward matter to establish that Salander had lived with her mother and twin sister on Lundagatan in 1991 and spent the following two years at St Stefan's children's psychiatric clinic. In these sections at least, the record corresponded with the report's contents.